Chapter 41

Whom Do We Trust

There is a number that ought to trouble us more than it does. Across much of the world, and within a single generation, the share of people who say they trust their governments, their press, their scientists, and their institutions has fallen, and in many places fallen hard. A civilization that must act together, against exactly the shared and gathering dangers these chapters have described, has been quietly losing the one thing that lets it act together at all, which is a common floor of agreed-upon truth. This is not a small problem. It may be the problem beneath the others.

Here the book has to do something harder than take a side, because the honest story has two halves that are both true and that most tellings keep apart. The first half is that a great deal of the distrust was earned. This has been, from its earliest chapters, a book about the ways the powerful bury what threatens them, and that habit did not end when we invented the lab coat. In living memory an industry knew for decades that its product caused cancer and spent fortunes manufacturing doubt; another understood that its product was warming the climate and did the very same; a great scientific power enforced a false biology and destroyed the researchers who told the truth, and famine followed. Even ordinary science, at its most sincere, has been caught out: a wave of self-examination in these very years, the so-called replication crisis, found that a disturbing fraction of published findings, in psychology, in medicine, in cancer biology, simply do not hold up when someone honest tries to repeat them, because the incentives reward the exciting result over the true one. People are not foolish to have noticed. Their distrust is, in large part, a rational response to a real record.

But the second half is just as true, and darker in a different way. That same rational distrust is now being deliberately manufactured and weaponized, at industrial scale, by people and machines that profit from a confused and divided public. The very network we watched make knowledge unsuppressable also made falsehood frictionless, and floods every mind with more claims than any mind can check. The result is a peculiarly modern predicament: at the exact moment we hold more genuine, verifiable knowledge than any humans in history, we are also drowning in more convincing nonsense than any humans in history, and the skill of telling the two apart has never mattered more nor been in shorter supply.

So how, in such a world, does anyone actually know anything? The answer is not to trust more, and it is not to trust less. It is the discipline this whole book has tried to embody rather than merely assert. You do not weigh the credentials of the speaker; you weigh the claim against the evidence, and you keep honest track of how strong that evidence actually is. You sort what you are told into the solidly established, the reasonably supported, the speculative, and the plainly wrong, and you hold each at the weight it has earned, and you change your mind when the evidence changes. You demand, of any grand pattern, the thing that would prove it false, and you distrust most the patterns that can explain away every possible objection. This is not a natural human talent. It is a hard-won habit, and it is the only real defense both against the institutions that have earned distrust and against the manipulators who feed upon it. A shared floor of truth will not be restored by finding authorities pure enough to trust blindly, because there are none. It will come, if it comes, from a great many ordinary people learning the harder habit of checking, the same habit that built this book.